Front Matter. This, of course, was not on Marx’ agenda: the effect of capital expansion on the Earth's environment was something about which people in his time had no clue. But the air is wonderfully pure and reinvigorating, and you have here at the same time sea air and mountain air. Such poverty, naturally, leads to crime. But it says nothing about the social factors which create this. For they would then do things that would damage profit (by requiring better working conditions and wages, greater health and safety conditions, etc). Before we pass on to Marxism, let me address a couple of possible misconceptions about Buddhism. Both reject the existence of a self/soul; both see being human as being involved in causal processes and natural laws; and both move towards thinking of people in purely structural terms. Certainly, Marx mentions Buddhism in his The German Ideology (completed in early 1946), and again in his 1857 article for the New York Tribune, entitled ‘Sepoy Revolt in India’. And in one of the sūtras where the Buddha does so, the V $\bar a$seṭṭha Sutta, he also rejects the importance of race and gender.Footnote 5 The Four Noble Truths make such distinctions of no moral significance. Neither Buddhism nor Marxism offers a magic bullet to achieve the end. That would be absurd. In particular, people are taught to see everything as a commodity (commodification)—as something to be bought and sold. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. Change, and the power structures which this requires, must therefore be bottom-up. Given that Engels and Marx agreed on virtually everything, it is logical to assume that Engels’ positive appraisal of the Buddhist use of dialectics met with the general approval of Karl Marx himself, although it is clear that dialectics only reached their most advanced state of usage in the modern era of philosophical analysis (or the time within which Engels was writing). There are remarks of a political nature in some of the canonical texts, such as the A $\dot n$guttara and D $\bar i$gha Nik $\bar a$yas, and Nāgārjuna's Ratn $\bar a$val $\bar i$; and over the last 50 or so years, we have seen Buddhist thinkers such as Thich Nhat Hanh and other members of the “Engaged Buddhist Movement”, who have been concerned with ending wars and establishing more compassionate societies. Let us see why. What is produced? Unfortunately, historically, the religion of Buddhism has been just as patriarchal as other world religions. Arguably, one of the most important lessons that history has taught us is a simple one: power tends to corrupt. According to the May 22 Sydney Morning Herald, the Dalai Lama — a major leader of a major religion — has declared himself “half Marxist half Buddhist”. People are lead to believe that capitalism is natural, in their best interests, etc. The Second Noble Truth is that duḥkha is caused by tṛṣna (pronounced trishna). Confirm this request. The difference between them is that Buddhism emphasises the importance of (self-)conception in what it is to be a person. In human bodies as they are, such differences cannot be found: the only human differences are those in names alone’ Suttacentral (2011). Since they have no say in this aspect of their life, they become alienated from it. The first thing here is to distinguish between a person and a self (as Buddhists use that word; note that the word ‘self’ in English often refers to the person—as in ‘he saw himself in the mirror’, ‘she was very self-centred’—not the self of ātman). (See, e.g., Queen (Reference Queen1995), and King (Reference King2005).) So, one might hope, one can combine Buddhist ethics with Marxist political philosophy to form a more comprehensive picture, drawing on the strengths of each. I do not mean to suggest that everything in one of these forms of Buddhism should be added to everything in one of these forms of Marxism. What is required are political practices absent from traditional monastic Buddhist orders; and which also differ in many ways from those of traditional Marxists. These will use their power, of course, to further the capital that they own/manage. Nor does this dependence disappear later. In this paper, I want to sketch how this may be done. 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